|To support us with a donation? Click here!Dialogue China BriefingWhat China Is ReadingIssue 101 – February 1, 2022In This IssueThe articles shared here do not necessarily reflect the views of China Newsletter or Dialogue China. All articles sourced from WeChat public accounts unless otherwise noted.I. Dialogue China Opinions1. Never Forget; Never Give Up: Proposal for construction of a “June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum”2. China’s Biggest Surprises in 2022II. Policy3. The Northeast Needs a Strong Medicine like “Special Economic Zones” To Reverse its Economic Downturn4. Mutual Assistance for the Elderly: A More Suitable Pension Plan for Rural Areas?III. Politics5. Today There are Three Worlds: Poor Countries, Rich Countries and ChinaIV. Finance and Business6. Behind Viya’s ¥1.341 Billion RMB Fine, How E-Commerce Live Streamers Pay Taxes7. Behind WeChat’s Rare Compromise, a New Route out of Techno Slavery Emerges?Dialogue China Opinions1. Never Forget; Never Give Up: Proposal for construction of a “June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum”Wang Dan – Dialogue China – January 8, 2022June 4, 1989 was a dark, grave and tragic day in the history of China. The Chinese people – spearheaded by young students – exercising their political rights as citizens and just wanting to help make the country a little better place, were bloodily suppressed in the streets of the capital by the Chinese Communist Party’s regular army on the scale of a small conventional war. China had a chance to transform into a democratic society, but that day bullets and blood blocked hope, and democracy receded further and further away from us. This is the scar of history, and the deepest pain in all of our hearts.|
We believe that no matter how you view and evaluate that period of history, every citizen should at least have the right to know about it. For 32 years, the Chinese Communist Party has not only not dealt with the pain, it has been trying to erase the history, so that the pain is not only not alleviated, but buried even deeper. Not long ago, they forcibly closed the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum in Hong Kong, they demanded that all books on the so-called “June 4 Incident” be taken off the shelves of libraries in Hong Kong, and they arrested and sentenced those who bravely came forward to commemorate the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre. They have arrested and sentenced those who have bravely come forward to commemorate the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre. There is no doubt that the Chinese Communist Party is using all means at its disposal to try to make that part of history be forgotten in the long river-course of time.
We believe that human blood is not water, it should not flow in vain. The pain of history should not be covered up by lies written in ink and cold-blooded power. Those young students, those warm-blooded nationals, their enthusiasm, their contribution, should not be forgotten by history. Never forget, never give up, is the moral bottom line that every Chinese person with a conscience should have. Therefore, after several months of discussion and preparation, today we formally propose to the outside world:
Since the Chinese Communist authorities have tried to make the bloodstained history fade into oblivion by forcibly closing the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum in Hong Kong, our mission is to rebuild the June 4 Memorial Museum overseas so that we can hold on to our historical memory and not forget those who paid the ultimate price of their lives for the pursuit of democracy. This is not only an act of resistance against totalitarianism, but also a demonstration of responsibility to history.
After weighing all the options, we propose that a permanent “June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum” be built in New York, a cosmopolitan city with the largest flow of people.
We propose: All those friends who wish to hold on to this historical memory should participate in this historical project. Those with money can contribute money, those with time and energy can contribute time and energy. From each according to their ability, let’s all work together to realize this worthwhile project.
Regarding the plan to build the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum in New York, we explain the following.
1. We, the proponents, have formed the “June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum” preparatory committee and composed a working group to carry out the specific preparatory work. The “June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum” has been registered as a non-governmental organization. In the future, we will use this committee as a working platform to with whole hearted dedication promote the memorial museum, and welcome more friends to join us.
2. Our current plan is to establish the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum in three stages: First, we have already obtained the support of local Non-Governmental Organizations in the United States and are working hard to organize a special exhibition on June Fourth at a museum in Washington, D.C. next year as a precursor to the establishment of the museum. Second, we hope to raise US$500,000, and once the funds are available, we will formally open the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum in New York on a rented site. Finally, we hope to eventually raise US$1.5-2 million. Once the funds are available, we will purchase a site in New York so that the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum can exist permanently.
3. Today, we the proponents earnestly appeal to all participants and supporters of the 1989 pro-democracy movement, all those who wish to preserve the historical memory of the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre, and all those who look forward to the transformation of China into a democratic political system, to make generous donations to support our project and the establishment of the first “June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum” overseas. For those who wish to donate, you can currently support us in the following ways: 1) You can remit funds to the following accounts:June 4, 1989 Massacre Memorial Association;
Account No: 6868776994; Routing No: 021000089
Bank address: 100 Citibank Dr. / San Antonio, TX 78245
2) You can donate funds via PayPal, the account information is:https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=GWHA9N4VQ35QN
3) You can send a check to the following address:Dan Wang / 6900 Wisconsin Ave. / # 30563 / Bethesda, MD 20824
4. As proponents and members of the organizing committee, we are willing to start from ourselves in terms of donations. The first list of internal donations is as follows (as of 1/8/2022):USD 1-99: Yan Jiaqi, Wang Juntao, Su Xiaokang, Mr. and Mrs. Hu Ping and Wang Ai, Zheng Yi, Wang Chaohua, Li Hengqing, Yang Zili, Sun Liyong, Ning Xianhua, Ouyang Ruoyu, Chen Liqun, Luo Mingzhu, Song Shuyuan, Yi Gai, Chen Chuangchuang, Li Wei, Ma Xiaoran, Zeng Huiyan, Zhang Yujian, Kang Zhengguo, Mr. and Mrs. Liu Nianchun and Chu Hailan, Xu Dawei, Li Housheng, Wei Quanbao, Zhou Jian, Tang Yuanjun, Qu Yige, Zhao Xin, Huang Wei, Kong TianleUSD 1000-2999: Yu Dahai, Perry Link (representing Princeton China Initiative), Lv Jinghua, Chen Pokong, Li Lin, Wang Anna, Guan Yao, Jin Yan, Wang Runzhi, Guo Xiaotong, Zhao Changqing, Gao Jian, Jin HehuiUSD 3000-9999: Wang Dan, Wuer Kaixi, Zhang Boli, Zhou Fengsuo, Shen Tong, Zheng Xuguang, Fu Xiqiu, Zheng Cunzhu, Zhangjing, Northern Expeditionary Warrior, A New Zealand friend, Mr. and Mrs. Yuan Yufeng and Wang Jingan, Huang Ciping (representing Wei Jingsheng Foundation), CalvinTotal: $74,724.64 (of which one friend contributed $1989.64)
Special Thanks: Li Jinjin paid $3,000 for legal services such as agency applications at his own expense.
5. We hereby declare that we will accept external donations in the most transparent and open manner, and accept external supervision of the donations so that every penny of the donations will be used directly for the preparatory work of the “June 4 Memorial Museum.” In order to establish credibility, we will publish quarterly the income listed on the first page of the bank statement and the expenses of the various projects in that quarter, so that the outside world can monitor the use of our donations.
A nation without memory does not have a future. Those who sacrificed their youth, warm blood and even their lives should not be forgotten by us. Protecting the memory is an important way to fight against totalitarianism. Here, we call on the outside world to join the effort to establish and maintain the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum. This is the first announcement of the preparatory work for the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum. We will continue to report the progress of the preparatory work through future announcements.
Members of the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum Preparatory Committee and Proponents (in order of last name stroke number)
Yu Dahai, Yu Jinshan (adviser), Wang Dan (convenor), Wang Tiancheng, Wang Anna, Wang Juntao, Wang Jinzhong, Wang Chaohua, Bai Xia (adviser), Li Lin, Li Wei, Li Hengqing, Li Jinjin, Li Lanju, Lv Jinghua, Shen Tong, Song Shuyuan, Yu Houqiang, Wuer Kaixi, Wu Jianmin, Perry Link (adviser), Zhou Jian, Zhou Fengsuo, Jin Yan, Jin Hehui, Yi Gai, Hu Ping, Sun Liyong, Gao Jian, Gao Guangjn, Chen Liqun, Chen Guangcheng (adviser), Chen Pokong, Chen Chuangchuang, Tang Yuanjuan, Kang Zhengguo, Zhang Boli, Zhang Jing, Fu Xiqiu, Huang Ciping, Cheng Zhen, Yang Zili, Yang Jinxia, Zhao Xin, Zhao Changqing, Wei Jingsheng (adviser), Wei Quanbao, Zheng Cunzhu, Zheng Xuguang, Zheng Yi, Liao Yiwu, Liu Nianchun, Ning Xianhua, Guan Yao, Su Yutong, Su Xiaokang, Yan Jiaqi, Joe Meng
Email: [email protected]【Back to Top】Dialogue China Opinions2. China’s Biggest Surprises in 2022Dialogue China Commentator – Dialogue China – February 1, 2022To say what is the biggest surprise that could happen in China in 2022 is to ask where the biggest variables in Communist Party politics will be in 2022. Because in China economic, social, diplomatic, and military issues all serve the political needs of the Chinese Communist Party. And because of Xi Jinping’s years of autocratic power and dominance, the above question can be further summarized as: What is the biggest surprise that could happen to Xi Jinping in 2022?
The first surprise: At this year’s 20th National Communist Party Congress he may end the post-Deng Xiaoping limit of no more than two terms as Communist Party general secretary, and thus “unexpectedly” be re-elected. The biggest argument in favor of this view is that if Xi Jinping was only prepared to serve two to three terms, then his previous political costs – including anti-corruption and constitutional amendments – would be too high. Not to mention his famous lofty ambition: “There will be no ‘I,’ I will become one with the people.” He doesn’t even care about his body, he is determined to become a “great man” to be remembered in history.
But reality seems to be going contrary to his expectations. China’s economic decline going from bad to worse in recent years is not really Xi Jinping’s biggest worry. It is perhaps the black swan incident resulting from the economic downturn that he fears the most. If economic problems are intertwined with social chaos, along with pressure from inside and outside the Communist Party, it will deal a damaging blow to Xi Jinping’s “economic achievements” in his ten years in power.
Furthermore, there is a resurgence of the coronavirus pandemic and the approach of the Beijing Winter Olympics. First there was the following of the disastrous road of the lockdown of Wuhan and Xi’an, then there was the Peng Shuai incident that intensified the international community’s call for a boycott of the Olympics. These internal and external social and diplomatic dilemmas have been damaging blows to Xi Jinping’s “face project” – his bid for an unprecedented third term as Communist Party leader.
However, on the problems of Xinjiang, Tibet, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, Xi will probably not do much, and the United States does not believe Beijing will do much. How to deal with these “separatist issues” will be important matters for Xi Jinping to consider after he is re-elected.
In addition, Xi Jinping needs to prevent people from taking advantage of these problems to launch a counter-attack against him. The recent rumors of the Liu Yazhou incident and the Sun Lijun incident during the Wuhan epidemic are similar in nature to the Bo Xilai and Sun Zhengcai incidents. This shows that Xi Jinping’s unchallenged leadership position within the Communist Party is not as secure as it once was.
Contrary to the first surprise, the second surprise might be that instead of being reinstated at the 20th National Communist Party Congress as previously speculated or expected, Xi Jinping may “unexpectedly” step down from office and hand power over to a successor.
People have noticed that the People’s Daily published two articles in a row on December 9 and 10, 2021 that seemed to be contradictory in terms of content. One article is mainly about reform and opening. The article mentions the names of Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, but not a single word about Xi Jinping. The second article, on the other hand, talks about Xi’s “achievements” without mentioning Jiang and Hu’s names or even Deng’s once.
Some say that these two articles actually complement each other, but this can be disproved by another recent incident. That is the detention of former National Defense University political commissar, PLA General Liu Yazhou. Although the reason is not known, it should be true. His brother, Liu Yawei, is director of the China Program at the Carter Center in Atlanta and is the founder and editor of the website US-China Perception Monitor. US-China Perception Monitor published an article by Hu Wei, president of the Shanghai Public Policy Research Association and professor at the Communist Party School of the Municipal Party Committee, commemorating the 43rd anniversary of the closing of the 1979 Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.
The title is very strange, as it is the usual convention in the official circles of the Communist Party of China to commemorate “5th” and “10th” anniversaries, so the wording “43rd anniversary” seems very deliberate and forced. The article also says that when Xi Jinping mentioned the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee in the past, he stressed that he would always adhere to the line of the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee and the road of reform and opening to the world, and that he had solemnly stated that the Communist Party’s basic line was the lifeline of the country and the happiness of the people, etc.
Hu Wei’s article also makes special reference to the “The Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party” adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee in June 1981, emphasizing that the central government has systematically corrected the patriarchal system, strongman rule, arbitrary individual rule and lifelong tenure of Party and state leadership that actually existed before reform and opening. These remarks are undoubtedly a sharp criticism of Xi Jinping.
It can be inferred that at present there must be a very sharp power struggle at the top of the Communist Party, and to a certain extent it can be considered as a struggle between lines within the Communist Party. This is because what Xi Jinping has done since he came to power is so different from what he did in the past and during the “Jiang-Hu” era. In the past, the Communist Party needed to suppress the people in order to establish autocracy. But in order to establish a personal dictatorship, one must crack down on fellow officials. So if Xi Jinping is not re-elected Communist Party leader because of a failed power struggle at the top, it would be the biggest political surprise in China this year.【Back to Top】Policy3. The Northeast Needs a Strong Medicine like “Special Economic Zones” To Reverse its Economic DownturnGao Bai – Beijing Cultural Review – December 4, 2021Why Read This?
The northeast needs a strong medicine like “special economic zones” to reverse its economic downturn. The article suggests that special economic zones should be set up in the major cities of Northeast China, with reference to the Shenzhen model, to promote direct investment by coastal enterprises in Northeast China through preferential taxation, land and other policies and a counterpart cooperation mechanism between Northeast China and the eastern coastal region, so as to make use of their capital, technology, corporate management systems and market channels to help Northeast China to realize the transformation of old and new dynamics of economic growth and reduce the growth imbalance between regions.（Read the full text）
【Back to top】Policy4. Mutual Assistance for the Elderly: A More Suitable Pension Plan for Rural Areas?Liu Yixian – Southern Weekend – December 13, 2021Why Read This?
During the period of 2020-2050, China’s rural population will age faster than that of urban areas. At present, rural mutual assistance for the elderly mainly focuses on spiritual and cultural life for the active elderly and temporary help. Without the trust network established by the mutual assistance for the elderly model, it would be difficult for elderly care to develop a market in rural areas. The concept of care for the elderly is different in rural areas, the foreign capital market will have a certain aversion. Most rural nursing homes are established by staff in the same village, neighboring villages, or neighboring townships, and “have a special relationship with the locality.”（Read the full text）
【Back to top】Politics5. Today There are Three Worlds: Poor Countries, Rich Countries and ChinaLi Daokui – Finance and Business Magazine – December 8, 2021Why Read This?
There are three worlds in the world economy today: poor countries, rich countries and China. China is neither a poor country nor a rich country. China should create two new growth features: First, if a large part of the 1 billion people in the Chinese economy become middle-income people, a dual cycle pattern of China’s economic growth will really be formed. Second, to cultivate new markets, especially the low-carbon economy as a new growth feature. To achieve these two objectives, the key is to mobilize the economy, especially the local governments’ enthusiasm.（Read the full text）
【Back to top】Finance and Business6. Behind Viya’s ¥1.341 Billion RMB Fine, How E-Commerce Live Streamers Pay TaxesZhou Xiaoling – Southern Weekend – December 21, 2021Why Read This?
On December 20, 2021, the Hangzhou Tax Inspection Bureau of the State Administration of Taxation (SAT) legally imposed a total fine of ¥1.341 billion RMB on webcaster Huang Wei (screen name: Viya) for the recovery of tax, the imposition of a late payment and the imposition of a fine. In recent years, the taxation department has adhered to the principle of inclusiveness and prudence, and actively supported the healthy development of new industries and new business forms. At the same time, it has deepened the use of big data, explored innovative ways of tax governance, promoted credit supervision as the main line, and gradually established a “credit + risk” dynamic supervision system to implement precise supervision of new industries.（Read the full text）
【Back to top】Finance and Business7. Behind WeChat’s Rare Compromise, a New Route out of Techno Slavery Emerges?Jia Kai – Beijing Cultural Review – December 7, 2021Why Read This?
On November 29, 2021, WeChat issued a statement announcing that direct access to external links will be allowed in peer-to-peer chat settings and that direct access to external links in group chat settings will be opened on a trial basis for e-commerce. The problem of different Internet platforms blocking external links from each other has been improved. So, how did the Internet build its own “moat” step by step and move towards a closed “island” state? To reshape the Internet ecology more in line with human needs, is there a new technical route that is different from the current digital technology model?（Read the full text）
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